APPENDIX B_x000d_
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Some Thoughts on_x000d_
Swamiji and the Harvard Professors_x000d_
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Inasmuch as Swamiji was closely listened to and sincerely admired by the professors of Harvard's illustrious Philosophy Department (see chapter nine of this book), one can but ask what effect he had upon the thought of the two most influential metaphysicians of that Department's golden era-William James, the Pluralist and Pragmatist, and Josiah Royce, the Idealist.
In 1896 both James and Royce were already well known. Although Professor James was not to publish his The Varieties of Religious Experience for another six years, nor his more influential philosophical work, Pragmatism, for another eleven, he was famous for his massive and important work, The Principles of Psychology ( 1890), known to students as the "James," and for its abridged version, Textbook of Psychology, or Psychology, Briefer Coarse (1892), known, needless to say, as the "Jimmy." Professor Royce was perhaps even more renowned in the 1890s than was James. A prolific writer, he was looked upon as America's foremost Idealist. He was a Hegelian, a monist and an admirer of those immense dialectical systems of thought that characterized much of the philosophy of the nine-teenth century. William James, on the other hand, had an intense dislike for Hegelianism, an impatience with systems, with rationalism, and, above all, with monism of any sort materialistic, Hegelian, Roycean, or, as it turned out, Vedantic. Although thirteen years older than Josiah Royce, James represented, and may be said to have originated, the reaction against the misty and windy type of Idealism that the younger philosopher so eloquently expounded. First and last, James was a pragmatist; Royce, on the other hand, was one of those "absolutistic philosophers" whom James described as dwelling "on so high a level of abstraction that they never even try to come down." Their debates were, of course, interminable and a delight to everyone, including themselves. "I lead a parasitic life upon you," James once wrote to Royce, "for my highest flight of ambitious ideality is to become your conqueror, and go down into history as such, you and I rolled in one another's arms and silent (or rather loquacious still) in one last death grapple of an embrace.
"These differences of opinion in our staff," Professor George Patmer wrote in his autobiography, "were always openly acknowledged. In our lectures we were accustomed to attack each other by name, James forever exposing the follies of the idealists, particularly of Royce and me, Royce in turn showing how baseless all empiricism is, lacking a metaphysical ground. . . . Our students were not misled by these our attacks on each other. They knew that we were all warm friends, few Departments more so. . . . And what happiness to work under conditions of entire freedom, where suspicions were unknown, and friendships were profound!
Unlike as they were in their philosophical approach, both Professor James and Professor Royce belonged to the age in which they lived. Both were deeply concerned over the problems peculiar to that age, particularly those which followed on the heels of the recent crash of Christianity's theological foundations. Both had accepted the main ideas of the theory of Evolution (as had almost all literate men and women of the nineties), but they had not become thereby, as had many others, atheists or agnostics. On the contrary, both philosophers felt duty bound to construct a new foundation on the ruins of the old, to devise a philosophy strong and broad enough to support both religious faith and scientific facts. In those days the Big Questions-questions involving the destiny of man and his conduct while en route to that destiny were still considered appropriate and meaningful matters for philosophical inquiry. Both James and Royce inquired into such questions without embarrassment, and both gave their considered answers. In doing so, Royce manfully tried to come down a little from the metaphysical heights wherein he dwelt; while, from the ground, Jamea reached upward toward what he called "something more," and somewhere in midair they clasped hands.
There is at present no known record of Swamiji's persona! relationship with Professor Royce. We know, however, that he looked upon William James as "a very nice man, a very nice man! And that James, when writing to him, addressed him as "Master. Professor James was indeed a thoroughly nice man, as lacking in pettiness and dogmatism as he was rich in the ability to acknowledge and delight in the greatness of others when he saw it. But while James's use of the term "Master" in connection with Swamiji implied deep respect, it did not indicate that he had become Swamiji's disciple or that he had any intention of doing so. There is a passage in James's essay "The Energies of Men" (1907) in which, to quote from the Life, "he speaks of a University professor who underwent the Raja-Yoga practices as a cure for nervous disorders, and who received thereby not only physical benefit but intellectual and spiritual illumination as well. It has been thought by some that James may have been referring here to himself. Actually, however, the unnamed "yogi" referred to in this essay was Wincenty Lutoslawski, a Polish writer and philosopher, with whom James was well acquainted. (It is interesting to note that while Mr. Lutoslawski undertook hatha yoga [not raja yoga] more or less on his own, he was not uninfluenced by Swamiji. In describing his practices to William James, Lutoslawski wrote, "Thus I decided to follow Vivekananda's advice: `Practice hard: whether you live or die by it doesn't matter.' ") On first receiving Mr. Lutoslawski's report on his yoga practices, which he later quoted in part in "Energies," James wrote to him a congratulatory letter, remarking in its course, "You are mistaken about my having tried Yoga discipline-I never meant to suggest that. I have read several books . . . And in the slightest possible way tried breathing exercises. These go terribly against the grain with me, are extremely disagreeable, and even when tried this winter (the winter of 1905-6) (somewhat perseveringly), to put myself asleep, after lying awake at night, failed to have any soporific effect.
But although Professor James evidently did not practice raja yoga under Swamiji's instruction-or that of anyone else, there is little doubt that he was deeply impressed with Swamiji himself as a man, a thinker, and what he would have called "a religious genius." James was, in fact, as Professor Wright noted, "swept off his feet," and missed no opportunity of hearing Swamiji lecture in Boston and, presumably, in Cambridge.
As for Josiah Royce, as was said above, we unfortunately do not know at present what he and Swamiji thought of one another. We do know, however, that Royce had long been au admirer of Indian thought, a knowledge of which he had derived first from a study of Schopenhauer and later from European Orientalists, such as Max Muller, Paul Deussen, and Richard Garbe. Royce felt attracted particularly toward the Upanishads and tended to insert Sanskrit phrases here and there throughout his writings. Josiah Royce must have been exceedingly interested in Swamiji's lectures and undoubtedly admired him as a man and as a thinker.
But much as James and Royce admired and respected Swamiji, much as they wanted him to accept the Chair of Eastern Philosophy at Harvard and thus become their permanent colleague and debating companion, much as they must have enjoyed his company, they could not accept, without each doing violence to his own long-held view, the philosophy of Advaita Vedanta. They were disturbed by it, and it is through the evidences of this disturbance that Swamiji's effect on the professors can best be seen.
Nothing gave William James more pleasure than a philosophical debate with a worthy opponent. But it was not until 1898, when Swamiji's brother disciple, Swami Abhedananda, lectured in Cambridge, that James again had a chance to tackle Vedantic monism head on. He lost no time at all in taking advantage of this opportunity. The story of the meeting between Professor James and Swami Abhedananda is told in the latter's biography by Swami Shankarananda and clearly shows how exercised William James was over Swamiji's "doctrine of the One," as he called it .
Swami Abhedananda arrived in Cambridge in May and a day or two before delivering his own lecture, audited a class of Professor James's. James evidently knew who the Swami was and seeing him, with some surprise no doubt, among his students, suddenly launched into an attack against monism, bringing forth all the arguments at his command. As has been seen, open attacks such as this were not uncommon, nor unfriendly, at Harvard. Nor did Swami Abhedananda take this one amiss. Rather, he quietly "jotted down in his note-book the essential points." After the class, Professor James expressed the wish, as was only fair, that the Swami discuss "Oneness" at his coming lecture, which he promised to attend. To this proposal, Swami Abhedananda readily agreed.
"In Mrs. Bull's house on the 29th of May," the Swami wrote in his diary, "I gave a lecture on `One in Many' at the Cambridge Conferences. Dr. [Lewis G.] James presided over the meeting. During the lecture I raised Professor James's objections to Monism and showed by logical reasoning how irrational and false those arguments were. . . . Professor James had come with some of his students. [After the lecture] he began to prompt his students to ask questions. . . . [When asked by Dr. James to put questions himself] Professor James said `Not here.' I felt that Professor James evaded asking questions, being afraid of being defeated in the presence of his students. * _x000d_
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*In fairness to Professor James, it should be noted that at such gathering, at which students questioned a guest speaker, it was, and still is, customary for the Professors to hold their peace._x000d_
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At the end of the meeting, Professor James shook Hands with me and praised highly my rational and simple explanation of Monism and invited me to dinner in his house the next evening."
The following evening was a momentous one. Describing it in his diary, Swami Abhedananda wrote: "I went to Professor James's house with Dr. James. There were along with us at the same table Professor Seller, Professor Royce and Professor Lanman. After the dinner was over, Professor James started arguing against Monism....I myself began to refute his arguments by giving further reasoning. This discussion went on for nearly four hours. . . . Professor Royce, Professor Seller and Professor Lanman and Dr. James took my side. Afterwards, Professor James was compelled to say that my arguments in favor of the Oneness of the cosmic reality were indeed irrefutable:
Clearly, Swami Abhedananda carried the evening. But this was only round one of the professors' battle against Monism. Although Josiah Royce had sided with Swami Abhedananda during that four-hour discussion, one is inclined to think that he had done so more in disagreement with his colleague James than in agreement with the Swami. In any case, a year later, when Royce gave his Gifford Lectures at the University of Aberdeen, he quoted long passages from the Brihadaranyaka and Chhandogya Upanishads (translations of which had been provided him by Professor Lanman) and, in defense of his own type of idealism, went to some length to show that the philosophical basis of mysticism (by which he meant monism) as set forth in the Hindu scriptures was unsatisfactory. Here one detects a change in Royce's views. In earlier years he had floated in the waters of Indian philosophy; he now, it seems, felt inclined to swim for shore. We need not enter here into his objections to and arguments against "Hindu Mysticism"; suffice it to say that he arrived at the conclusion that the Absolute of Advaita Vedanta spelled Nothing. Absolutely Nothing.
I don't think William James ever went this far; yet he seems to have been unsuited temperamentally, perhaps intellectually, to a monistic philosophy. On August 2 of 1900, while recuperating in Germany from a badly overstrained heart, he wrote to Mrs. Bull: "I have just been reading some of Vivekananda's Addresses in England, which I had not seen. That man is simply a wonder for oratorical power. As for the doctrine of the One, I began to have some talk with that most interesting Miss, Noble [Sister Nivedita] about it, but it was cut short, and I confess that my difficulties have never yet been cleared up. But the Swami is an honour to humanity in any case.
It had been Miss Josephine MacLeod who had lent some of Swamiji's London lectures to Professor James. On August 8, 1900, he wrote to her, "I am sending back to you his addresses, all but 4 [actually 3] ; the real & the apparent Man; Maya & Freedom; Practical Vedanta, part IV. These I keep a while longer, and wish I might get hold of the first 3 parts of Practical Vedanta. Has the Swami my books? It has made me feel badly that I didn't give him my Psychology when he was in America; and if he would like aught of mine, I will now have it sent to him, if you can provide me with an address which will `keep' a while. I am perhaps unduly shy about obtruding my writings on people.
Whether or not Swamiji and William James met in Europe in the fall of 1900 is not certain. A letter written by Swamiji from Paris on September 3, 1900, to Mrs. Francis Leggett, mentions in its printed form that a "Dr. James" had been a guest at a party that Swamiji had attended. It has been thought by some that Swamiji was referring here to Professor James. Yet the text of the letter itself gives several indications that Dr. Lewis G. Janes, not Professor William James, was the man in question. For one thing, Swamiji speaks a little teasingly of the doctor's "great blaster, Herbert Spencer." It was Dr. Lewis Janes who was, as everyone then knew, a dedicated follower of Herbert Spencer. Professor James, on the other hand, found much in Spencer's philosophy to take issue with, deploring, among other things, "the vagueness of all his fundamental ideas, his whole system wooden, as if knocked together out of cracked hemlock boards.
But whether or not William James had a further chance to talk with Swamiji, he did once again meet Sister Nivedita. Their first meeting, mentioned above, most probably took place in England in 1899. The second occurred in the spring of 1901, when, recovering from his illness and en route from London to Edinburgh with his wife to deliver his Gifford Lectures, he chanced to meet Mrs. Bull and Nivedita on the train (very likely the famous "Flying Scotsman," then the fastest train in the world, that sped between London and Edinburgh at an average speed of fifty-five miles per hour). "We had a splendid journey yesterday," James wrote to a friend on May I5, 1901, "in an American (almost!) train, first-class, and had the pleasure of some talk with our Cam-bridge neighbor, Mrs. Ole Bull, on her way to Norway to the unveiling of a monument to her husband. She was accompanied by an extraordinarily fine character and mind-odd way of expressing myself-a young Englishwoman named Noble, who has Hinduized herself (converted by Vivekananda to his philosophy) and lives now for the Hindu people. These free individuals who live their own life, no matter what domestic prejudices have to be snapped, are on the whole a refreshing sight to me, who can do nothing of the kind myself. And Miss Noble is a most deliberate and balanced person ¬no frothy enthusiast in point of character, though I believe her philosophy to be more or less false. Perhaps no more so than anyone else's!
When James's Gifford Lectures were about to be published as The Varieties of Religious Experience, he wrote from Edinburgh to Mrs. Bull in a letter dated June 5, 1902, "Will you kindly send me Vivekananda's address so that I may order a copy of my lectures sent to him. They will seem half hearted stuff, I know, to him. They've appointed a `safe' man, some DD, to be the next lecturer here. I think I wrote you that I nominated V[ivekananda] who is a man of genius, even though his Absolute be not the truth.
In The Varieties of Religious Experience (which could not have reached Swamiji in time for him to read it) James quoted at some length from Raja Yoga and also from two of Swamiji's lectures that Miss MacLeod had lent him-"Practical Vedanta, Part IV" and "The Real and the Apparent Man. Although these quotations were not given by way of either commending or criticizing Vedanta, but simply as illustrative of the monistic interpretation of religious experience, James made it clear enough in Varieties that he did not lean toward monism. In his Pragmatism, published in 1907, however, he took definite issue with Swamiji. Characteristically, he did not do so without paying tribute to him, writing of the Vedanta philosophy as "the paragon of all monistic systems" and of Swamiji as "the paragon of Vedantic missionaries. But the quotations he now gave from Swamiji's lectures ("God in Everything" and "The Atman") were chosen specifically to illustrate the extreme monistic view to whose "dogmatic rigoristic temper" he was taking objection. In this same work James conceded that monism as a belief had pragmatic value, imparting, as he said, "a perfect sumptuosity of security, and "in so far forth was true. But here James seems to have forgotten Swamiji altogether (and, for that matter, Swami Abhedananda and that "extraordinarily fine character and mind," Sister Nivedita). If monism was pragmatically true, he contended, it was true for the "tender-minded" only. Much as though he had never known "the paragon of Vedantic missionaries" or read his lectures, James wrote: "What do believers in the Absolute mean by saying that their belief affords them comfort? They mean that since, in the Absolute finite evil is `overruled' already . . . we have a right ever and anon to take a moral holiday, to let the world wag in its own way, feeling that its issues are in better hands than ours and are none of our business. And again, "The peace and rest, the security desiderated at such moments [when life breaks down] is security against the bewildering accidents of so much finite experience. Nirvana means safety from this everlasting round of adventure of which the world of sense consists. The hindoo and the buddhist, for this is essentially their attitude, are simply afraid, afraid of more experience, afraid of life.
This attack, betraying as it did an ignorance of India's culture and thought together with a boundless faith in the infinite perfectability of the finite, was typical of the times. Josiah Royce had resorted to somewhat the same argument against Hindoo philosophers. In an essay published in 1898 he wrote, "The Hindoo, as a philosopher, has always been a keen critic of human illusions, but since it chanced, by some accident of race-development, that the Hindoo, from an early period of his evolution, did not love life, Hindoo philosophy, extensive as are its literary monuments, is in its essential doctrine always very brief and unfruitful. Life For the Hindoo is an ill; one philosophizes to seek salvation. And salvation lies in some sort of absolute contemplative abstraction from life an abstraction which you can define in many ways; but the goal is always the same-a peace that passeth understanding, and that flees from facts to the Absolute beyond life's illusions.
Having dispensed with the majestic and thunderous philosophy of Advaita Vedanta as being a weakness of the Hindu psyche, William James and Josiah Royce continued, each in his own way, as popular spokesmen of their age.